By David Gibson
Politics Daily
November 15, 2009
http://www.politicsdaily.com/2009/11/15/the-bishops-are-back-for-now-thanks-to-the-party-and-president/
When the nation's 300 or more Catholic bishops gather for each November for their annual fall meeting, there's always a hearty show of clerical camaraderie, much of it deeply-felt, but some of it a charitable mask on the rivalries that are inevitable in any group of strong-willed fellows.
Through the recent years of abuse scandals and a Catholic credibility crisis, however, the meetings could be glum affairs as the bishops were united mainly by a shared defensive posture toward their critics and often divided among themselves about how to move forward.
Not anymore.
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When the hierarchy convenes in Baltimore on Monday for its four-day confab, the bishops can bask in the glow of rediscovered political clout that has come about largely because of their lobbying successes in the critical health care debate. That sway was clearly demonstrated last weekend during last-minute negotiations on abortion funding in the House health care bill. Representatives of the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops (USCCB) were deeply involved in the talks, and able to bring their influence to bear on both sides.
As Rep. Bart Stupak of Michigan, leader of an unexpectedly large and assertive cohort of about 40 pro-life Democrats (many Catholics), was negotiating with House Speaker Nancy Pelosi on an amendment to bar any health care funding of abortion, his last check-in was with the bishops to see if the language would pass ethical muster. They gave the okay, the amendment passed, and so did the bill.
At the same time, Arizona Republican John Shadegg was leading an effort to have anti-abortion Republicans withhold support from the Stupak amendment -- something they would normally back -- knowing that without the Stupak funding ban the entire bill would go down to defeat, perhaps dooming all Democratic hopes for health care reform this year and delivering Republicans a major victory.
Shadegg's maneuver made sense in raw political terms, but not to the bishops, who want universal health care but without abortion funding. "Few people here were amused," said Richard Doerflinger, associate director of the bishops' Pro-Life Activities office and a key player in the talks.
Nor, in the end, were the bishops disappointed. Chicago Cardinal Francis George, president of the USCCB, called House Minority Leader John Boehner to express his displeasure at the Shadegg manuever and Boehner soon released a statement telling Republicans they had better vote for Stupak. The amendment passed with 176 GOP votes and 64 Democratic "yes" votes. Only Shadegg voted "present."
But health care reform isn't the only arena where the Catholic hierarchy is flexing its muscle, and with success.
In the District of Columbia, the Archdiocese of Washington has led opposition to a gay marriage bill and raised the specter that the social services it provides to tens of thousands of needy resident could be jeopardized if the bill is not amended to include religious exemptions.
In Maine, the Catholic Church--bolstered by $180,000 in donations from bishops in 45 other dioceses -- poured resources and clout into an effort to pass a ballot initiative earlier this month overturning a gay marriage law. The church-backed ballot measure passed, 53-47 percent, despite the fact that gay rights advocates expected to defeat the initiative in Maine, which is one of the nation's most secular state. The bishops were also seen as instrumental in passing Proposition 8 in California a year ago, which barred gay marriage.
In New York, the Catholic bishops last summer successfully thwarted a bill that would have lifted the statute of limitations on sex abuse claims against religious groups. The bill, which was designed to target the Catholic Church, was initially thought to have a good chance of becoming law.
Moreover, some rising stars in the hierarchy seem eager to push back against criticism -- real or perceived -- from those they see as opponents.
Earlier this month New York's new archbishop, Timothy Dolan, who was warmly welcomed by the media as well as by Catholics when he brought his friendly approach to the city last April, launched a full-throated attack on The New York Times for what he said was the anti-Catholic slant to the newspaper's recent coverage. Calling anti-Catholicism as much a "national pastime" as baseball, Dolan published his jeremiad on his new blog because, as he noted, The Times refused to publish his critique in its pages.
Many Catholics cheered Dolan. "The revelations in 2001 of decades of priest scandals revealed the existence of a corrupt clergy across the nation, and the Catholic Church watched a now middle-aged generation of believers slip away from the pews," Joseph Bottum, a prominent Catholic conservative, wrote in an approving column in The New York Post. "In the midst of all this, how could an archbishop of New York not need to pick some fights?"
Also this month, the bishop in Rhode Island, Thomas J. Tobin, engaged in an increasingly contentious public feud with Rep. Patrick Kennedy that had Tobin publicly questioning Kennedy's Catholic faith because of the Democratic congressman's support for health care reform. Coming less than three months after the death of Kennedy's father, Sen. Ted Kennedy, which occasioned an outpouring of support for the dynasty of liberal Democrats, Tobin's broadside was especially bold.
"Are our bishops on the march?" asked Jeff Mirius, president of Trinity Communications, a leading outlet for conservative Catholic commentary. Mirius believes the answer is that such "militancy" is in fact reaching a tipping point in favor of a more outspoken hierarchy.
Yet even as the bishops have reason to feel good about their elevated profile in the public square -- something that would have seemed unlikely just a couple years ago -- they have plenty of reasons not to get overconfident.
For one thing, the health care bill now moves to the Senate, where the path to passage could be even rockier and where the bishops have fewer go-to allies among the Democrats. That potential weakness points to the fact that the bishops' current clout largely comes from the good fortune of having Democrats in power who are willing to give the church a seat at the table, as well as a president who is seeking to broaden the party's base and defuse the culture wars by giving players like the bishops a voice in negotiations.
Conversely, the health care debate showed how little pull the Catholic bishops often have with Republicans, contrary to the popular impression that they are political bedfellows. For example, while the bishops successfully pressured the Republican leadership to get behind the Stupak amendment they were completely shunned in trying to convince the GOP to support the health care bill -- despite the fact that the bishops say health care is a longstanding priority. Just one Republican, Rep. Anh "Joseph" Cao of Louisiana, a former Jesuit seminarian, voted for the overall bill.
Contentious issues on tap for next year, such as immigration reform, will further test the bishops' influence with the GOP as they will have to wrangle Republicans to get on board.
Moreover, the bishops are also facing a number of internal challenges, many of which will be on display during the meeting in Baltimore. They include debates over reforms of the liturgy, how best to enforce Catholic identity, and a lengthy new document aimed at promoting straight marriage and discouraging contraceptives. There will also be much talk about a controversial Vatican investigation of American nuns, as well as debates among themselves, in closed sessions and over cocktails, about their own problems with polarization, which emerged this year in debates over health care, for example, and the contrasting responses of bishops to Ted Kennedy's death.
The clergy sexual abuse scandal also haunts the hierarchy, much as they would like to put it behind them.
Last month the Diocese of Wilmington, Delaware, became the seventh Catholic diocese in the United States to file for bankruptcy protection due to claims by abuse victims. And on Dec. 1, the Diocese of Bridgeport, Connecticut, will be forced by court order to unseal 12,000 pages of documents relating to its dealings with sexually abusive priests. Many of the documents date from the tenure of retired Cardinal Edward Egan, and are expected to reveal embarrassing details about the church's actions.
Yet the political relevance of the bishops remains the leading indicator of their stock's value for the wider public, and how their stock performs may depend on how willing they are to accept the compromises necessary to affect legislation.
On health care, at least, the Catholic hierarchy has shown significant flexibility, allowing extensive sex education and contraceptive funding components to stay while they focused on abortion. The bishops also made it clear that while they would like to see undocumented immigrants provided for in the health care package, they were willing to drop that demand because it would sink the entire health care reform effort. If the bishop's line in the sand on abortion leads to the defeat of health care in the Senate, for example, the backlash could be quick and broad.
The other factor in the resurgence of the bishops is, oddly enough, the success of Barack Obama -- the politician that so many of them fiercely opposed both during last year's election and up through Obama's controversial appearance at Notre Dame last May. Some of the hierarchy's most prominent bishops have also been among Obama's most outspoken critics, and many have repeatedly threatened Catholics with a variety of sanctions if they supported Obama or the Democrats.
The irony is that if Catholic voters had listened to the bishops then, the election might have gone for John McCain and the very issues that the bishops are keen on promoting, and that have put them front and center -- health care and immigration reform, poverty and abortion reduction -- wouldn't even be on the table.
And that means that if the bishops continue to take a harsh line with Obama and the Democrats, there is the possibility that the Catholic leadership could wear out its welcome with the very politicians who have helped give them a bully pulpit.
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